Table of Contents
- Orban and the Propaganda State
- How Hungary’s Media Became a Government Tool
- The Rise of Péter Magyar
- Social Media vs. State TV
- Is the Tide Turning?
- Sources
Orban and the Propaganda State
For over a decade, Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban has ruled with an iron grip—not through brute force alone, but by controlling the narrative. His government has built what critics call a “propaganda state,” where nearly all major TV stations, newspapers, and news websites echo pro-government messaging.
But in 2025, cracks are beginning to show. A once-loyal insider turned political challenger—Péter Magyar—has ignited a grassroots movement that’s bypassing state media entirely, reaching millions through social platforms and street rallies.
How Hungary’s Media Became a Government Tool
Since Orban’s Fidesz party returned to power in 2010, it systematically dismantled independent journalism. Public broadcasters were repurposed as government mouthpieces. Private outlets were bought by oligarchs loyal to Orban. By 2023, over 90% of Hungary’s media landscape was under direct or indirect government control.
The result? A media ecosystem where corruption allegations vanish, opposition figures are smeared as traitors, and Orban is portrayed as Hungary’s sole defender against liberal elites and migrants.
“It’s not censorship in the traditional sense,” said Marianna Sipos, a former editor at a now-defunct independent outlet. “It’s suffocation—by silence, distortion, and repetition.”
The Rise of Péter Magyar
Enter Péter Magyar—a former EU affairs minister and Orban’s ex-son-in-law. After his wife, Orban’s daughter, died in 2024, Magyar broke ranks, accusing the prime minister of cronyism, abuse of power, and undermining the rule of law.
Magyar’s February 2025 speech in Budapest drew over 100,000 people—the largest anti-government rally in years. Since then, he’s launched a new political movement called “Tisza Party,” named after Hungary’s second-largest river, symbolizing a “fresh current” in politics.
Critically, Magyar doesn’t rely on TV or print. Instead, he livestreams speeches, posts investigative threads on X (formerly Twitter), and uses Telegram to mobilize supporters. His YouTube channel has over 500,000 subscribers—many under 35.
Social Media vs. State TV
While state TV ignores or ridicules Magyar, his digital strategy is resonating. A recent poll by Republikon Institute found that 58% of Hungarians aged 18–34 trust social media more than traditional news outlets for political information.
Orban’s response? Attempts to regulate “foreign-funded” online platforms and label independent influencers as “agents of George Soros.” But these tactics, once effective, now feel outdated in a country where 78% of adults use smartphones daily.
Is the Tide Turning?
Experts caution that Orban still controls the levers of power: the courts, the election commission, and billions in state advertising revenue funneled to loyal media.
Yet signs of strain are mounting:
- Fidesz’s approval rating has dropped below 40% for the first time since 2018.
- Local elections in 2024 saw opposition coalitions win key cities like Debrecen and Szeged.
- International pressure is growing, with the EU withholding $7.5 billion in recovery funds over rule-of-law concerns.
“Orban built a fortress of propaganda,” said András Rácz, a political analyst at the Finnish Institute of International Affairs. “But fortresses can’t stop ideas that travel through fiber-optic cables.”
As Hungary heads toward the next parliamentary election—likely in 2026—the real test won’t just be votes. It will be whether truth can outpace control in the digital age.
